Ali Al-Abdullah – A Writer and a politician
A panoramic study of the birth of political Islam and violence; the author reviews the implications of the Islamic Renaissance rationalism by the school rational book; to the rise of political Islam that began with the Muslim Brotherhood and the movements of Shiite violence to the political Islam movements in the Arab Spring and its role and impact on it through the following axes:
Islam belongs to the Arabs as a formative component. The Arab nation is the product of the intellectual and social revolution of Islam, and the Arab personality is the birthplace of the Islamic civilization. Islam has entered the personal and social fabric of the Arab and the cultural and social character of its life, until tomorrow is the right of citizenship in the Muslim Arab nation. Take him out of the House of Islam.
Therefore, the presence of Islam in our lives is not strange or repugnant, and return to it in the modern era is understandable and justified by its association with this structural role, and by the temptations of repeating historical success.
However, the presence of Islam in our lives and bias towards it, as the doctrine of the people, natural and logical does not close the file of life as much as it opens and raises fundamental questions and accurate against the background of Islamic history itself, and the injustices witnessed by the family authorities and the Royal regimes, Islam has a variety of readings. The Qur’an conveys aspects according to the words attributed to Imam Ali ibn Abi-Talib. The Muslims differed since the first decades on the interpretation of the text. We still remember the words of Ammar ibn-Yasir in the position of Safin when he addressed Muawiyah army. Now on the interpretation. ” There have been many readings / interpretations of the Muslim religious text, to the point of contradiction, and multiple perceptions and estimates of its relationship to changing conditions and their economic and social needs developed and renewable until the dismantling of the Islamic meeting and the elimination of the unity of religion itself.
The Three Islam’s, Popular, Official and Political:
Contemporary Islam scholars agree on the existence of three major readings in the Islamic countries, categorized under the names of official Islam, popular Islam, political Islam; each of them has specific features: official Islam focuses on what is in the Islamic heritage, Even if it is a fajra, and the president / king / prince is the shadow of God on earth, and the promotion of the thesis of the Shura is a teacher and not binding; while popular Islam is a mixture of religious, heritage and social concepts created by the epochs of stagnation and backwardness, And social, economic and political direct through the intervention of the immediate management of the world, including solving the problems of Muslims who go to him worship and pray, intersect this mixture with the official literature of Islam in terms of delivery to the ruler, the guardian, whatever he did, the literature (which was common in the covenants) (Islam will not reform the present of this nation except the first), and its divine origin as a decisive evidence of the validity of the Islamic political option (God knows best for the benefit of his slaves), linking the current crises Lived by peoples
The political movements of Islam itself have varied and varied in their readings / interpretations of the text and the reality. They have differentiated attitudes, practices and methods. Some adopted the peaceful / advocacy jihad through the dissemination of Salafi jurisprudence (the so-called Salafiyya scientific reading of the theory) and the promotion of virtue and the prohibition of vice. Violent Jihad by changing evil by hand and weapon.
The implications of the modern Islamic rationalism and its pioneers:
The revolution began in the Islamic world with the emergence of reformist jurists and advocates of political and social advancement (Rafaa Rafie Al-Tahtawi, Ibn Abi Al-Diyaf, Mohammed Bin Abdul Wahab, Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani, Mohammad Abdo, Rashid Rida, Abdul Rahman Al Kawakbi, (The backwardness of Muslims and their weakness, the exposure of the Islamic world to the rising Europe and the refraction of its forces before the external invasion), and raised questions about the problems and challenges that stand in the way of the rise of Muslims and their return to the international stage and played a role in the development and cultural growth; namely:
The rise of political Islam:
The movements of political Islam were formed in the midst of sharp social and political fluctuations and dislocations which resulted from the repercussions of the advancement and the breakdowns in the light of the limitations and self-obstacles resulting from deep and prolonged degeneration within the Islamic world that collided with the national regimes and were severely suppressed by the political equation in some countries, but did not lose the justification for existence and spread whenever the opportunity.
The intellectual debates between Muslim and Oriental scholars and intellectuals, and among the Muslims themselves, were the basis for political Islam movements. (1907); the political conference in Mecca, which was conceived by Abdulrahman al-Kawakibi (1902); the political conference in Makkah (1906); before its maturity in the formation of the Muslim Brotherhood (1928) by Professor Hassan al-Banna.
The movement was active in the formation of branches in the Arab and Islamic countries, and formed an international organization structure begins with the General Counsel and the Shura Council; and branches in the Islamic countries led by a public observer. Mr. Al-Banna played a major role in establishing these branches directly to visit the Arab and Islamic countries. He visited Syria, for example, in 1937, where he met members of the Islamic Charity Association and succeeded in forming a branch of the movement.
The Muslim Brotherhood movement remained in the arena until noon the Islamic Liberation Party in the early fifties of the twentieth century, founded by Sheikh Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani, but he did not succeed in prominence like it, although it exceeds them theoretically offering political foundations (Islamic constitution) Islamic economic vision, and played a role equal to its role, because of his move according to the theory of victory: claim officers in the military conquest of the party and carry out a military coup and the handover of power to the party performs is his idea of Islamic rule system (exceeded recent victory theory of the adoption of direct jihad and the formation of an armed force by the party branches in a number of countries like Turkmenistan and Indonesia), and the call for the restoration of the Caliphate system, and the typical political reading that sees everything that is going on in the world of conflicts and the crises that erupt, and the conflicts that arise, all made by the English.
The violence of the Sunni movements from the Muslim Brotherhood to the Salafi Jihadist”:
The Muslim Brotherhood movement adopted the lecture, newspaper, magazine, book, education, school, trips, camps and social activities in renewing the Islam of society in all its aspects. But it soon formed a military wing under the name of “the special system”, under the pretext that “to seize power, which does not ask for itself, but because it is an effective tool for advocacy, a necessity, because God gives the Sultan the money is driven by the Koran,” and therefore the use of force is imperative, Revealing its intention to achieve power by force without specifying a specific strategy, relying on the tactic of secret organization and advocacy.
The “special regime” carried out several assassinations, such as the assassination of Egyptian Prime Minister Nukarashi Pasha, in which Hassan al-Banna himself fell victim to it, the assassination of Judge Ahmad al-Khazandar, and a campaign of petrol bombs and explosions in markets, particularly liquor shops.
Al-Banna’s failure to control the “special system” was later pointed out. Abd al-Rahman al-Sindi rebelled against the instructions of the supreme leader. Then the second general leader, Hassan al-Hudaibi (1953-73) tried to control the private system, but members of the regime resisted. Eng. Sayed Fayez (from the cadres of the special system) cooperated with the new general guide. The members of the special regime assassinated him by sending an explosive sent to his home on 21/11/1953.
The movement clashed with the new political system in Egypt (July 23, 1952), and thousands of its imprisoned members entered and thousands of them emigrated to the Arab and Islamic countries in Saudi Arabia in particular. Two fundamental variables emerged: the first was an intellectual change by moving to the idea of community ignorance, and the second is the Muslim Brotherhood’s involvement in Gulf politics in general, and Saudi Arabia in particular. There has been an intellectual-political clash between the Brotherhood’s view, which denies modern regimes and the Wahhabi Salafi, Which denies society and rejects the existence of assets and branches in religion, the different disbelief in the branches as in the assets; so that the faith of most Muslims is questioned.
The atonement of the regimes has culminated in the atonement of society in a political activity extended to all Muslim countries, where Saudi money and political support provided great potential for action. This led to the spread of Salafi Wahhabi ideology through the cadres of the Muslim Brotherhood movements in the Arab and Islamic countries and to participate in the battle against Marxist thought and against the communist countries in the Cold War, to which Saudi Arabia was a party. The emergence of these two factors has led to a more radical trend in dealing with the systems and societies. It was initiated by Mr. Sayed Qutb in his book “Milestones in the Way”. His idea is based on separation and the abandonment of regimes and “infidel” societies so that the Muslim vanguard can make a grassroots / these regimes.
Mr. Sayed Qutb has established his political vision on the ignorance of society and the infidelity of the regimes. He called for the necessity of their retirement and not to contribute to solving their problems. He denounced the submission of proposals and regulations that address the current situation of the Islamic peoples and condemned any such studies. Political, economic or social behavior, refusing to take advantage of the achievements of Western civilization, and the desire for mass murder by destroying the structures of society and the state in the plan that it sought to implement through a sector of the group, which was overseen by it. This trend, which coincided with the dominance of the “special system” after 1973, produced a harsh line among the young generation. In particular, after some of the movement’s leaders rejected Mr. Qutb’s thesis on community ignorance and “governance,” the general leader Hassan al-Hudaibi His book “Advocates no Judges” in 1969 to respond to it, had been enthusiastic before him, where he stressed that “the theory of governance taken by Sayyid Qutb from the Mawdudi and dressed in the behavior of interceptor jihadist is not contained in any verse of the Koran, or any talk of the Prophet “And stressed the rejection of the idea and its complications, especially atonement and exclusion, and considered the Muslim Brotherhood movement group” of “Alm Salmin is not a group of Muslims, does not consider who is not with or came out non-Muslim. Dr. Mohamed Fathi Osman (one of the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood) called for uprooting the roots of the general revolutionary thought, which believes that the removal of individuals and the imposition of force by force from the top is enough to establish an Islamic system as long as the people are Muslim in general.
Sayyed Qutb’s radical thesis has sparked debates within the movement and in Arab and Islamic societies, resulting in the emergence of ideological currents and more radical attitudes from the movement. In their attitude towards regimes or societies, they expressed themselves with new movements such as Jihad and the Muslim community.
Sayyed Qutb’s radical thesis has sparked debates within the movement and in Arab and Islamic societies, resulting in the emergence of ideological currents and more radical attitudes from the movement. In their attitude towards regimes or societies, they expressed themselves with new movements such as Jihad and the Muslim community…etc.
The organization of Jihad, which emerged from under the mantle of the Muslim Brotherhood, rephrased the ideas of Mr. Sayed Qutb and turned it into the idea of a coup embodied in the book of the leader of the group Mohammed Abdul Salam Faraj “Absent Duty,” Jihad, calling for dissociation from the society that stigmatized him infidelity, A new one outside, and when this gathering can break the infidel society to destroy it and remove it and re-establish the Muslim community. The group of Takfir and migration led by Shukri Mustafa called for the separation of the infidel society and attacking it in all ways. The Shahab Mohammed group, led by Salih Surya, also adopted the option of a military coup. The assassination and assassination of the Egyptian Minister of Awqaf, Dr. Mohamed Hussein Al-Dahabi in 1977; the assassination of President Anwar Sadat in 1981, and the assault on public money and foreign tourists. etc.
Her Algerian counterpart massacred whole families of children, elderly and women, without discrimination. Even the moderate movements, such as the Islamic Youth Association in Morocco, did not escape the germ of violence. In 1975, they assassinated lawyer Omar Ben Jelloun (member of the Political Bureau of the Socialist Union of Popular Forces); the Tablighist group adopted extreme positions; The headquarters of the ruling Socialist Socialist Party in the Casbah district of Tunis on 17/2/1991 and beat the members of the party in question, who were running around before they poured gasoline on them and set fire to them alive. Professor Rashid Ghannouchi did not find what was happening, the moderate head of the movement, only a reaction to the violence of power. The middle sheikhs, such as Shaykh Muhammad al-Ghazali, who witnessed the trial of the murderers of the Egyptian writer Faraj Fouda, who had killed him after he considered him an apostate, said: “It is permissible for the members of the Ummah to establish the borders when they are disrupted, even if this is a violation of the right of authority, , Meaning that it is not permissible to kill those who killed Faraj Foda, “although Sheikh al-Ghazali was present in the debate that killed Foda, and heard the latter say in front of the public” religion is higher and more implicated in partisan and direct politics “(video corresponding 1992).
Muslim Brotherhood in Syria and violence:
The movement of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria was characterized in its beginning by adopting the positive and peaceful action adopted by the first general observer Dr. Mustafa Sibai and his colleague Mohammed Al-Mubarak, and taking advantage of the achievements of Western civilization and did not provide in its founding documents the application of Islamic law, Islam is the religion of the state “in the 1950 constitution and turned it into” Islam is the religion of the head of state. Islamic law is a basic source of legislation. “He proposed adding an article to the constitution that states:” Citizens are equal in rights, Or For nationality or language, “but was not adopted. He also supported the socialist tendencies of the President of the Republic (Gamal Abdel Nasser) during the days of unity between Egypt and Syria. He published the book Socialism in 1959 and supported the Agrarian Reform Law.
However, the situation in the movement changed after the arrival of groups of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Egypt, which had fled after the Egyptian regime’s campaign against them in 1953, transferred the seed of violence to the Syrian movement against the backdrop of the awakening of experience and distrust of national systems that do not adopt the Islamic option. This trend was found justified in the orientations of the Syrian authority after 8/3/1963, dividing the movement into two streams, the first of which was peaceful. Most of the supporters from Damascus governorate and the most violent were described by al-Halabi as most of the supporters from Aleppo, The practice of moving to the direct confrontation embodied by the sit-in Hama April 1964, which lasted 29 days in protest against the theses of the ruling Baath Arab Socialist Party, which dominated the state through a military coup, and the trends that they considered to be hostile to Islam, especially theses Professor Zaki Arsouzi, Golden of the Arabs.
The gap has deepened and the hardening of the Authority to respond to the sit-in by shelling the mosque, where the sit-in, tanks and artillery. The general observer, Mr. Essam al-Attar, reflected the prevailing culture among the leadership of the movement, the Shami movement, in his response to the brothers of Hama who asked him to participate in or support the disobedience, , Saying that “does not believe in access to power only by democratic means even if it cost him five hundred years of waiting.”
The violent trend deepened following the defeat of June 1967, when the Syrian movement formed a fighting faction in agreement with the Palestinian National Liberation Movement: Fatah, under its banner in the Jordan Valley, to participate in the fighting against Israel. This provided military expertise that allowed the nucleus of the “fighting vanguard” Marwan Hadid later. The situation worsened Syrian authority over the religion of the president and the role of Islamic law in the 1973 constitution. This gave the movement’s hardliners, such as Marwan Hadid, Abdul Sattar al-Zaim and Adnan Aqla, an ideological justification for violence, Where they called for jihad against the “infidels” authority, as an imposition of an eye, and formed the fighting vanguard of Hezbollah in 1975, which began with assassinations on sectarian basis against the backdrop of investing deep popular anger of the discriminatory practices of citizens as giving preference to the Alawi community in public jobs, Especially in the army and intelligence, in an effort to attract citizens to its ranks, but did not succeed in that because the political and social culture prevailing in the Syrian society did not accept this behavior.
The regime did not accept the declaration of the leadership of the movement that it has nothing to do with the fighting vanguard, and issued Law No. 49 of 1980 on the execution of the members of the movement, which increased the violence that killed thousands, and destroyed the cities of Hama in 1982.
The confrontation between the regime and the fighting vanguard, which continued intermittently for several years (1976-1982), focused on the vertical division within the movement, between a peaceful Shami-Salafi movement and another Sufi-Sadiki-like frontier. The movement’s leadership – from the Shami movement at the time – separated the militant vanguard, But this did not stop the cutting off of the vanguard of the rules of the movement and its dominance over the minds of its youth, To the extent that a leader in the Brotherhood is Dr. Hassan Howeidi could not accept a deal offered by the head of the Syrian regime Hafez al-Assad in a meeting in September 1979 based on the cessation of violence and act as a public and official advocacy movement. The situation increased Adnan Aqla’s accuracy after the massacre of the artillery school on 16/6/1979 for his movement in the name of the militant vanguard of the Muslim Brotherhood, in an attempt to drag the movement to what he called jihad. The large-scale arrests carried out by the PA in the ranks of the movement led to its entry into the battle. Adnan Saad al-Din, the general observer of the Halabi movement, declared public mobilization and confrontation.
The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria and the Revolution:
With the start of the militarization of the Syrian revolution, which began in 2011, and dedicated to the formation of the Free Syrian Army battalions, and turning it into a “horse race” in overthrowing the regime, the movement employed the network of relations it established with the citizens through its work in the ” (Funds and food baskets) in the recruitment of citizens in battalions began to establish under the names of each distinctive label on the word “shield” in all Syrian provinces, such as: the shield of the Levant, the shield of the capital, the Shield of Justice, the shield of Saraya the scholars of the Levant, the shield of Farouk in the provinces of Damascus and its countryside. Al-Wafa Shield Brigade, Aleppo Shield Brigade, Al-Shahbaa Brigade, Shield of Freedom Brigade in Aleppo Governorate. The Shield of the Youth of Muhammad, the Shield of the Righteous, the Shield of Hama Brigade, the Avamya Shield Brigade, the Shield of Sincerity Brigade, the Shield of the Right Brigades, the Saraya Al-Nasr Armored Brigade in Hama Governorate. The Shield of Freedom Brigade in Homs Province, the Shield of Freedom Brigade in Homs Governorate, the Hanan Shield Brigade, the Shield of the Mountain Brigade, the Thunder Shield Brigade, the Shield of Khan Sheikhan Brigade, the Idlib Shield Brigade, the Shield of the Sahaba Brigade, the Shield of Freedom Brigade, the Shield of Faith Brigade, , The Shield of Knights of the Right Brigade, Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq Shield, The Shield of Siham Al-Haq, the Shield of the Ausi Brigade, the Shield of the Idlib Guards Brigade, the Shield of Unification Brigade, the Shield of the Island Brigade, the Ahrar Shield Battalion March 15, Idlib Governorate. The Revolutionary Guards Corps was formed to coordinate their work and formed another military framework under the name of the Commission for the Protection of Civilians.
Salafi Jihadism in Afghanistan and Violence:
The jihadist movements developed during the battle for the liberation of Afghanistan from the Soviet occupation, where a very radical jihadist movement was born under the name of al-Qaeda (the name is spontaneous and gradual.) Al Qaeda began to launch an office in the Pakistani city of Peshawar to register Mujahideen from the Islamic world for anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan, The al-Qaida was then called on the fighters who were registered in this office: Al-Qaeda fighters, before turning into an organization with that name), thousands of Arab youth were involved in most of the Arab countries. American intelligence played a role in the emergence of Arab Afghans. Their training included political remarks about the regimes of the countries they came from, corruption, discrimination and policies that did not serve the citizens, turning them into infidels who returned after the end the battle for the liberation of Afghanistan led to the liberation of their country from corrupt regimes. Violence erupted in Egypt, Yemen and Algeria, based on the near enemy combat base that resulted from the political mobilization of these youth before the US campaign against Iraq in 1991 to liberate Kuwait known as the Desert Storm, to modify its priorities by striking American interests in all countries of the world, to attack New York and Washington.
In the context, the jihadist Salafist evolved from the agreement of Ayman al-Zawahiri and Osama bin Laden to form the “Global Islamic Front to confront the Crusaders, Jews and Americans” by merging the Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization abroad with al-Qaeda. Al-Qaeda, which according to Bruce Hoffman, director of the Rand Corporation in Washington , A “regional organization with a prudent and cautious agenda”, has reached its current status: an organization with extensions in several countries in a global program, a global organization that has joined Zawahri with regional groups in Algeria, Morocco, the Philippines, Kashmir, Chechnya and Indonesia.
Zawahri brought the vision and people (fighters and professionals) from the experience of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, which made it possible to carry out simultaneous bombings at the American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, not to mention attacking the Cole destroyer, the French oil tanker on the coast of Yemen, the bombings of Morocco, Riyadh and the Madrid trains. For this organization in the Gulf states (the base of Jihad in the Arabian Peninsula) (The Islamic Jihad base in Mesopotamia) and Iraq (the base of Jihad in Mesopotamia), where the US occupation of Iraq led to the merger of the distant and neighboring enemies in one geographic region, and increased the atonement of these movements to the Shiites and the blood shedding the violence in Iraq and took more forms The Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, known as the “Da’ash”, and the form of the “Front of the victory of the people of Syria” in Syria, before they separated, and added to the violence of political Islam movements of brutal methods And mass murder by car bombs and work Suicide bombings and explosive belts, which did not exclude markets, mosques and hospitals, mass executions, the stoning of the adulterer, the cutting off of the hand of the thief, the robbery of women, and slaying the political, religious, sectarian, and ransom money for the release of the kidnappers and detainees and imposing taxes on trade, agriculture and transportation that they promoted.
The violence background of the Sunni movements:
“In the book” The New International Regime and the Option of Confrontation, “Professor Munir Shafik, who moved from 1980 to Christianity and Marxism to Islam in his book” The New International Order and the Option of Confrontation ” The “infidels” are their enemies, dividing them into close enemies (Arab and Islamic states and their societies) and distant enemies (foreign countries and their societies), With the emphasis on cooperation between these enemies, and see the violator, even in the branches, an infidel, and therefore his blood allowed, and according to the fatwa of the Palestinian Jordanian called Abu Qatada, his blood and money and women and children are all allowed. The division of bin Laden has made the world into two strata of conflict forever, the fact that it is an old position that has already been put forward by Muslim scholars by dividing the world into a house of Islam and a house of war.
The reasons for extremism and extremism have increased the spread of American forces and bases in the Arab and Islamic countries after the Second Gulf War and the occupation of Iraq in 2003, where the “Takfir” thesis was added to the charge of “treason”. This has led to an increase in killings and a wide range of targets. Those who work with US forces, regardless of the nature of their work, Which works in the reconstruction programs in Iraq, which comes to cover the situation (TV press etc), and the political forces that participate in the political process under occupation, all these blood allowed. The American economist Lyndon Laros (Middle East, 3/12/2001) warned against the US military behavior following 9/11: “One billion Muslims will fight each other, and everyone around them, when he provokes them. What is happening in the Middle East, and extends this war to other areas”.
The mass killings carried out by al-Qaeda in Iraq by the car bombings in the gatherings against the police, the National Guard, the Shiite mosques and seminaries in Iraq, the attacks on al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and the killings and slaughter in Egypt, Algeria, Chechnya, etc. Revealed a flaw in the legitimacy and political vision of these movements. The researcher in the structure of these movements and their intellectual vision touches on the fragility of its Islamic basis based on the sanctity of the human soul. Most of the founders and leaders of these movements rely on selective reading and do not proceed from a comprehensive reading of Islamic jurisprudence and its requirements. Dr. Kadri Hefni, professor of political psychology at Cairo University, “Most of the princes and cadres of the Islamic groups are not students of forensic science: Bin Laden is a businessman, Ayman al-Zawahiri a doctor, Mohammed Abdul Salam Faraj, a Cairo University employee, Shukri Mustafa, an agricultural engineer, Aboud al-Zomor, an army officer, etc. This made them uni- Because the students of Islamic science study the Islamic schools and compare them, and recognize the plurality and proportionality involved in Islamic legislation, “This brings us to the statement attributed to Hassan al-Basri,” they learned before they worship, because those who worship without knowledge often turn to the extreme and reach their behavior killing “, The reference of these intellectual movements is limited in a number of jurists. It was remarkable that the Islamic Jihad Organization in Egypt, which adopted the violence at the beginning of its emergence, adopted its initiative to stop it in 1997 with the same reference it adopted when adopting it: Ibn Taymiyah’s fatwas on kufr and apostasy And Tetris. Here, we refer to a very serious fact. The wide scope of the Islamic experience, the place and time, the stages of the long decay of the Nation of Islam, the inflation of jurisprudence, the birth of a situation that can be described as “Verbal recitation”, And thus the community, where each of us can support his current position based on a historical fact or jurisprudential opinion of one or more jurists, the Muslims are united in the title different in the statement, and this made the development of a specific and unified Islamic vision is very difficult and important at the same time.
The determinants adopted by the jihadi movements on their Salafi roots (Brotherhood and Wahhabism), ranging from the unification of divinity and the unification of the self and the acts to the unification of attributes to the absolute which rejects the existence of assets and branches in religion, produced a fanatical personality and violent practices. The adherence to the intellectual and behavioral standards of these movements not only restricts the human, but it makes it negative and separate from others, making it externally, dissenting, violent and aggressive. According to Dr. Kadri Hefni, “the tendency to pre-judgment is characterized by stalemate on a particular subject, perhaps the most obvious and most common forms is the so-called ‘images or stereotypes’ Characteristics, The most important of these:
Violence of Shiite movements:
The Shiite political Islam movements adopted a approach to violence that differed in form from that of the Sunni political movements of Islam, where they went directly to forming armed militias openly to defend the interests of the Shiite community and fulfill its demands. Mr. Mousa al-Sadr, who came to Lebanon in 1958, founded the Movement of the Deprived in 1975 under the slogan “Reacting to Israel’s ambitions in Lebanon and preventing the settlement of Palestinians in it”, which in turn formed a military wing under the name “Who later became the first defense minister in Iran after the 1979 revolution, handed over the movement’s organizational responsibility. He completed his program by founding the Islamic Message Scout Association to frame the children from 7-8.
The movement engaged in fighting against Israel during the 1982 invasion, but it has always been under the influence of the Syrian regime, which used it in the internal Lebanese conflict, and the restrictions on the Palestinians in general and the cadres of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement: Fatah in particular, in light of its dispute with its leader Yasser Arafat in 1983 Between 1985-1987, a large scale attack was carried out on the camps in Beirut (Sabra, Shatila and Burj al-Barajneh). During the attack, they stormed the Gaza hospital in Sabra and Shatila refugee camp. They killed the wounded and medical personnel (45 wounded). The 1500 Palestinians were shot and slaughtered with knives.
With the emergence of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, a movement emerged within the movement adopting the vision of Khomeini and the doctrine of the Wilayat al-Faqih, led by the return duo from Najaf Abbas al-Moussawi and Hassan Nasrallah. This movement formed in 1982 the Islamic Amal Movement under Iranian direct patronage and support. Of the Revolutionary Guard, consisting of 1,500 elements to train the fledgling movement, with money and weapons.
Amal (Lebanese) movement, Hezbollah and violence:
In 1985, the Islamic Amal movement adopted a new name, Hezbollah, which opened its jihadist operation against US and French forces in Beirut. About 300 soldiers were killed and the hostage-taking policy was adopted to influence the positions of states. Especially under the name of “Islamic Jihad Organization”, which kidnapped dozens of Western citizens (up to 100 citizens in 75 kidnappings).
The most famous of the hostages are: American David Dodge, CIA Middle East Officer William Buckley, Chargé d’Affaires of the Swiss Embassy in Lebanon Eric Werley, French researcher in charge of the Center for Contemporary Middle East Studies Michel Sora (abducted on 22/3/1985 and declared liquidated As a spy on 5/3/1986, and linked the liquidation and writing of the book “Syria: the savage state” in which he criticized the Syrian regime), French television correspondent Marcel Kudry, American journalist Charles Glass, US intelligence officer and head of the United Nations conflict resolution team in Lebanon, Colonel William Higgins, the well-known English mediator Terry Witt, etc.
The kidnapping was initially confined to important figures, but after the departure of the Westerners of Lebanon, especially the Americans, private individuals were kidnapped to influence Western public opinion to press their governments to meet the demands of the kidnappers. The party also carried out bombings abroad (two bombings; In 1992 and a Jewish religious center in 1994 in the Argentine capital Buenos Aires and the bombing of a tourist bus in Bulgaria on July 18, 2012).
Amal and Hezbollah fought in 1987 against the backdrop of the representation of the Shiites. The Syrian regime stood by the Amal movement because its relationship with the party was not strong at that time. It was documented in 1989 after the Taif Conference. To the party, leaving a margin of movement moving in it, and used in sensitive turns to play the role of pacifier and firefighter.
Amal and Hezbollah adopted an exclusionary policy by forcing the Shi’a community to engage exclusively in Shiite organizations and to pressure the group’s intellectuals and activists, who had previously formed a broad base of Palestinian organizations (the military commander of Hezbollah, Imad Mughniyeh, a member of the Fatah movement) These parties join one or bear the consequences of it.
Hezbollah used violence against those who rejected them. He assassinated the Communist intellectuals Dr. Hussein Marwa (17/2/1987), Dr. Hassan Hamdan, known as Mehdi Amel (18/3/1987) and the communist cadres Suhail Tawila (24/2/1987) 1986) and Khalil Na’ous (21 February 1986).
At a later stage, after the party occupied an advanced position in the Iranian-Syrian program, the method of assassination was adopted to liquidate opponents of Syria from Lebanese politicians. The Special Tribunal for Lebanon accused five of its members of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and accused him of assassinating Gebran Tueni, Walid Eido, Pierre Gemayel and the rest of the 14 martyrs.
The journalist Samir Kassir, before his assassination, reported that he noticed that a car was following him in all his movements in Beirut. He talked about the issue with Hezbollah journalist Ibrahim al-Amin, the editor of the party’s Al-Akhbar newspaper, who had contacts with the party. Iran has pushed the party to engage in fighting alongside the Syrian regime in the heated confrontation between it and the people revolution, He sent his fighters to Syrian territory under pretexts and allegations that deepened sectarian strife between Sunnis and Shiites. He sent a large delegation (55 members of his leadership) to Najaf to participate in the celebration of the birth of the Mahdi, which falls on the 15th of Sha’ban, and urged the Shiites participating in the celebration to “Jihad” in Syria.
In the 33-day war between Israel and Hezbollah in 2006, the party fought heroic battles. It resisted the Israeli military machine, thwarted the attack and prevented the enemy army from achieving its objectives, but lost the battle politically by UN Security Council Resolution 1701, This prompted his political opponents in the March 14 bloc to demand the disarming of an individual using his military capabilities, which swept through Beirut on May 7, 2008, He launched the phenomenon of black shirts to intimidate his opponents, and they killed Hashem Salman, a member of the Lebanese Shiite party, in front of the Iranian embassy in Beirut. The process was repeated after the results of the parliamentary elections that took place on 6/5/2018 by the invasion of Beirut by bike that raised the slogan of Beirut Shiite.
Shiite violence in Iraq:
In Iraq, the movements of the Shiite political Islam, under the influence of the victory of the Iranian revolution in 1979, led to the formation of military wings and to face direct confrontation with the Iraqi regime and work to implement its political program and achieve its objectives by force. At the end of 1980, Muhammad Baqir al-Hakim, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, formed the Badr Organization, which received training from the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, which supplied it with light and heavy weapons, including helicopters, which began its military operations against the Iraqi regime after the ayatollah’s fatwa Mohammed Baqir al-Sadr to confront the Iraqi regime by force as a “legitimate duty,” has fought against him large battles, bombed the presidential palace in 1998, and assassinated military and security leaders, and tried to assassinate Uday Saddam Hussein 1996.
Muhammad Tabtabai, Qais al-Khazali and Akram al-Kaabi also paid an Iranian payment. The Brigades, which launched operations against US forces in Iraq starting in 2004, announced that they had carried out 6,000 operations before engaging in sectarian carnage against Sunnis Which was witnessed by Iraq between 2006 and 2008, and is now engaged in fighting alongside the Syrian regime on the pretext of protecting Shiite shrines in Syria.
In 2003, under the auspices of Iran, it also formed combat brigades: the Abi al-Fadl al-Abbas Brigade, the Karbala Battalion and the Zaid Bin Ali Battalion to meet under the unified name of the Iraqi Hizballah Brigades and finally Al-Mukhtar’s Army, Against the US occupation forces, before indulging in the sectarian carnage with the Sunnis in the period from 2006 to 2008, and then move elements of the battalion of Abu al-Fadl Abbas to Syria to fight alongside the Syrian regime. Al-Battat spoke of the fighting in Syria as a proof of the Shiite narratives of fighting with al-Mahdi against al-Sufiani in the Levant. He considered the Free Syrian Army to be the army of al-Sufayani.
In late 2003, Muqtada al-Sadr established an armed Iraqi organization called the Mehdi Army, composed of imitators of his father, Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, to confront American forces. He took the death of his supporters, protesting the closure of Al-Hawza as a direct pretext to start the confrontation. With US forces. The Army, or so-called death squads, carried out mass kidnappings and killings against Iraqi Sunnis and against those in Baghdad, Basra and other southern cities. In Samarra in 2006, Was the participation of elements of the Mahdi Army and orders directly from Muqtada al-Sadr himself. The Sadrist movement announced on the death of Abu Deraa in Syria that he was not interested in the subject because the deceased was a dissident from the army, and stressed that the leader of the current security forces demanded on more than one occasion to arrest Abu Deraa, famous for the proverb of Baghdad, stressing his refusal to interfere Iraqi parties in the Syrian issue. Sadr dissolved the Mehdi Army and formed a “Peace Corps” to express his new nonviolent and non-sectarian orientation.
With the control of the organization of the Islamic state in Iraq and Syria on Mosul, and large parts of Iraq and Syria, and the declaration of the establishment of the “state of the Caliphate” and the naming of the leader of the organization Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, a successor to Muslims, declared the supreme authority in Iraq, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani ” To fight the forces of the “Caliphate”, engaged most of the former Shiite militias in it, and this opened a way to erase its violent history and sectarian black and enjoy the legitimacy of becoming the forces of the state and allow them to engage in the political process and participate in the parliamentary elections held on 12/5/2018 Advanced site in its results.
Shiite violence in Yemen:
In Yemen, where the Zaidi doctrine is spread, some of its theories are about the Mu’tazilah. In the north, Ansar Allah, a religious political movement known as the Huthis, was formed in the north by its founder Hussein al-Houthi, and it has taken the city of Saada as its main center.
The Houthi movement accused the Yemeni government of discriminating against Zaydism and accused Saudi Arabia of supporting the Yemeni regime and Salafist jihadist groups with money to suppress the Zaydi doctrine. The government accused it of plotting to overthrow it and establishing a system based on the principle of imamate that existed in Yemen before the 1962 revolution. In Lebanon, including inciting the United States in mosques. Since 2004, the movement has fought six wars with President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s government and a seventh war with Saudi Arabia in the Saada conflict.
Yemen has accused Iran of supporting the Huthis group, interfering in Yemen’s internal affairs and destabilizing the country. In 2009, it announced that it had seized an Iranian ship laden with weapons to support the Houthis. Tehran has denied the charges.
The Yemeni government renewed its assurances on Iranian support for the Houthis. On January 23, 2013, the Jihan 1, loaded with 48 tons of weapons, explosives and anti-aircraft missiles from Iran, was seized and submitted to the UN Security Council for investigation. The Council responded to its request but the results have yet to be announced.
Several factors have played a major role in the spread of political Islam movements, especially Jihadism, and won by supporters and sympathizers, the most important of which:
Copyright © 2019 The Middle East and North Africa Media Monitor.
Necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to function properly. This category only includes cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the website. These cookies do not store any personal information.
Any cookies that may not be particularly necessary for the website to function and is used specifically to collect user personal data via analytics, ads, other embedded contents are termed as non-necessary cookies. It is mandatory to procure user consent prior to running these cookies on your website.