With his head bowed, Syrian doctor Alaa M. listened as the verdict was read out. After nearly three and a half years of proceedings, the Higher Regional Court in Frankfurt, Germany sentenced the 40-year-old orthopedic and trauma surgeon to life imprisonment for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and murder. The court also determined the particular severity of his guilt and ordered preventive detention.
For the three joint plaintiffs, who had traveled from abroad for the verdict, it was a deeply emotional moment. With earpieces for simultaneous translation, they followed every word. They had testified as victim-witnesses during the trial, recounting in detail the brutal acts they accused Alaa M. of committing. Between 2011 and 2012, he is said to have tortured detained opposition figures—and in two cases, killed them—while working as an assistant doctor at military hospitals and intelligence prisons in Homs and Damascus. The court concluded that he exhibited “sadistic tendencies.” In one instance, he allegedly poured a flammable liquid on a prisoner’s hand and set it on fire—a method he reportedly used repeatedly, including on victims’ genitals. M. denied all allegations to the very end.
In his two-and-a-half-hour ruling, the presiding judge praised the courage of the victims. The trial had been conducted under difficult conditions: witnesses were threatened, access to evidence was limited, and extensive translations slowed proceedings. Nevertheless, the verdict sends a clear message: “No torturer can count on impunity.”
That this trial could even be held in Frankfurt is thanks to the principle of universal jurisdiction, enshrined in Germany’s Code of Crimes Against International Law. It allows German courts to prosecute serious international crimes such as torture or genocide, even when committed abroad by foreign nationals and with no direct link to Germany. Alaa M. was arrested in June 2020 in northern Hesse—at a time when no one foresaw that the political situation in Syria would soon change so dramatically.
Since then, dictator Bashar al-Assad has been deposed. In December 2024, Syria’s transitional president Ahmed al-Scharaa announced his intent to hold high-ranking members of the former regime accountable for torture and other crimes. One of the first officials arrested was Mohammed Kanjou al-Hassan, former head of the military judiciary, who is believed to have overseen the torture system in the notorious Sednaya prison.
In May 2025, al-Scharaa issued decrees to establish two key institutions: a Commission for Transitional Justice and a Commission for the Missing. According to German-Syrian constitutional lawyer Naseef Naeem, these steps mark a crucial first move toward legal accountability. Still, Naeem cautioned: “We now need to see whether these commissions are actually put into action.” Syria’s judiciary faces the enormous challenge of conducting trials under rule-of-law conditions—without revenge, but with a commitment to justice.
Justice Minister Mazhar al-Wais has since dismissed judges from military courts and reinstated legal professionals ousted by the Assad regime in 2011. Many Syrian jurists in exile are also reportedly willing to return. Nonetheless, Naeem believes that some judicial staff from the old system will still be needed. He called on countries like Germany to offer support: “If we want Syria to conduct credible trials, we must help build a judicial system that meets international legal standards.”
Further proceedings in Europe may follow. Teresa Quadt of the Syria Justice and Accountability Center (SJAC), who closely monitored the Frankfurt trial and published transcripts of each session, believes more witnesses will now come forward. “Fear is fading, and access to evidence is improving,” she said. In the wake of Assad’s ouster, SJAC secured thousands of documents from abandoned intelligence offices, which are now being analyzed. Quadt also called for the EU to negotiate a formal protocol for evidence exchange with Syria’s transitional government.
Specialized chambers for international criminal cases could also help streamline future trials in Germany. “The verdict against Alaa M. is a powerful statement,” Quadt said. “It shows that with the support of brave witnesses, international crimes can be prosecuted under the rule of law.”
And what about Bashar al-Assad himself? Many Syrians who suffered under his regime hope to one day see him in court. International criminal law professor Stefanie Bock considers prosecution by the International Criminal Court in The Hague a possibility—if Syria were to join the court. A French arrest warrant for Assad, issued years ago, also remains in place. While Assad held office, it could not be enforced. Now, at least in theory, it could be—depending on whether his key ally Vladimir Putin continues to shield him or lets him go.
