Iranian Opposition Conference in Italy – A Report

Prepared by Ahmad Al-Romoh

On July 30 and 31, two conferences were held in Italy with the participation of Mrs. Maryam Rajavi and a number of prominent European figures. Several key speakers gave speeches at the event, which focused on the following themes:

  • A democratic alternative to restore sovereignty to the Iranian people
  • A gap in the Iranian liberation movement
  • What is the program of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI)?
  • What is the project “National Solidarity Front to Overthrow Iran’s Religious Tyranny”?

Among the speakers were Charles Michel, former Prime Minister of Belgium and former President of the European Council; Matteo Renzi, former Italian Prime Minister; James Cleverly, former UK Foreign and Home Secretary; Michèle Alliot-Marie, former French Minister of the Interior, Defense, Foreign Affairs, and Justice; Senator Giulio Terzi, former Italian Foreign Minister; Rudy Giuliani, former Mayor of New York; Senator Lucio Malan from Italy; Carlo Cottarelli; Ambassador Stephen Rapp, former U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues; Ingrid Betancourt, former presidential candidate in Colombia; Javaid Rehman, UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran; Linda Chavez, former Director of the White House Office of Public Liaison; Carla Sands, former U.S. Ambassador to Denmark; and Ambassador Hans-Ulrich Seidt, former German Ambassador to Afghanistan.

Speaker after speaker praised the steadfastness of the Iranian resistance, the courage of resistance units inside Iran, and Maryam Rajavi’s Ten-Point Plan as a decisive roadmap for establishing a free, democratic, and non-nuclear republic free of tyranny and theocratic dictatorship. They called for justice for victims of past and present executions, including the 1988 massacre and the recent killings of MEK heroes Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hasani, sending a clear message: change in the Iranian regime is inevitable, and it will happen through the hands of the Iranian people and their organized resistance — and the world must stand with them.

Speech by Maryam Rajavi

Mrs. Maryam Rajavi delivered a speech affirming the resistance’s firm vision and direction. Below is the full text of her speech:

„Dear citizens, dear friends of the Iranian people’s resistance:

We hold this meeting at a time when the religious dictatorship shows its helplessness in the face of the people and the organized resistance by executing the two heroic Mojahedin, Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hasani, who never bowed and said “No” to the executioner.

Salute to these steadfast freedom fighters who, after three years of torture, pressure, and threats, proudly upheld their pledge to God and the people.

Behrouz Ehsani wrote in his last letter: ‚Under no circumstances will we submit to this criminal and bloodthirsty regime.‘ He added: ‚Never shall we accept humiliation.‘

Mehdi Hasani said: ‚I reaffirm all principles and goals of the noble People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), and declare that I will not yield even an inch to this reactionary regime until my last breath.‘

Until their last moments, they bravely defended the banned but glowing name: “Mojahed of the People”, and turned the name and ideals of the MEK into a global symbol on the 60th anniversary of the organization’s founding.

Khamenei fears this movement’s central role in sparking uprisings and working to overthrow his regime — with good reason.

In these final shameful days of his rule, he attempts through this heinous crime to prolong the Velayat-e Faqih regime a few more days. But he only reaps more public anger and hatred — further fueling the resolve of Iran’s brave youth to confront the regime with even greater determination.

Let us all rise for a minute of loud applause to honor the memory and heroism of the two martyrs, Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hasani.

The Regime’s Crisis of Collapse — Iran at the Brink of Major Transformation

This transformation will be brought about by the Iranian people and their resistance — a comprehensive resistance that has paid the highest price, with 100,000 martyrs, following a clear roadmap promising a democratic republic in Iran:

An Iran that is free, non-nuclear, without executions, without compulsory hijab, without forced religion or coercive rule.

Yes, a free Iran based on:

  • Separation of religion and state
  • Gender equality
  • Ethnic autonomy
  • Peace and friendship with neighbors
  • Reconciliation with the civilized world

Today, the pillars of the mullahs’ regime are engulfed by the crisis of collapse.

In recent weeks and months, we have heard repeatedly that the regime is at its weakest — in its most fragile state since it began.

Since the start of our resistance 44 years ago, we have said this is a crisis-manufacturing regime that thrives on conflict:

  • Wars
  • Exporting terrorism
  • Religious extremism — all have been essential to its survival

Just like its 8-year war with Iraq — a war that could have been avoided, especially after Iraq’s withdrawal from Khorramshahr and the 1982 Iraqi acceptance of a peace initiative from the NCRI as a negotiation basis.

Between 1982 and 1987, the UN Security Council issued annual resolutions calling to end the war — all accepted by Iraq, but Khomeini rejected them.

He even presented himself as “Leader of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq.” Only after a year did Khomeini accept Resolution 598, calling it “drinking the poison chalice.” Even then, it was merely a ceasefire — not an end to war or a peace agreement.

At the time, we said comprehensive peace — especially the renunciation of exporting the so-called Islamic Revolution — meant the end of the Velayat-e Faqih doctrine, particularly in a regime where the Supreme Leader is claimed to be the guardian of all Muslims globally.

In such a system, the IRGC doesn’t even include “Iran” in its name. It was created to serve globally, especially for Muslims and Islamic countries.

This is why we demanded from the beginning the designation of the IRGC as a terrorist organization and its complete disbandment — and we will continue to do so.

The Real War Is Between the Iranian People and the Regime

Over the years, it’s become clear that appeasement policies with this regime inevitably lead to war. Yet the real war in Iran has always been — and remains — between the people and the theocratic dictatorship.

Our people want water, bread, electricity — and above all, freedom. They want the regime overthrown.

Three major uprisings between 2017 and 2022 have made the path clear.

It is the same path I have consistently declared over 21 years on behalf of the Iranian resistance:

  1. Appeasement? No!
  2. War? No!
  3. Reform? No!

So what is the solution? Regime change by the hands of the Iranian people and their resistance. With this change, Iran can move toward democracy and avoid a major regional war.

This resistance has never asked for money or weapons — only this: Do not stand with theocracy. Recognize the right to resist for freedom, a right affirmed in the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Sixty Years of Continuous Resistance

August 5 marks the anniversary of the Constitutional Revolution’s victory against monarchy. For 120 years, Iranians have resisted tyranny — from the Shah to the mullahs.

September 6 marks 60 years since the founding of the MEK — the longest, most complex organized resistance in Iran’s history, with no pause, not even for a single day or hour — paid in unparalleled blood.

We all know the 1988 massacre of imprisoned MEK members and fighters.

At that time, Khomeini ordered that any MEK member who did not repent and still held firm should be executed immediately.

Today, we remember a great tragedy, which UN Special Rapporteur Javaid Rehman referred to in his final report. The regime’s survival depends on eliminating the MEK and the Iranian resistance.

But because of unwavering perseverance that neither Khomeini nor Khamenei could bear, we now witness a reversal: It is the dictatorship that is collapsing — and the resistance is thriving, steadily advancing toward a democratic republic.

Dear friends,

now, as the pages of Iran’s history turn one after another, let us pause for a moment and look back at the past century:

Let us go back to 57 years of dictatorship under Reza Shah and his son, who were brought to power by Britain and the United States.

That regime, which was called the “island of stability” and played the role of regional police, despite having 600,000 armed personnel and a hellish intelligence apparatus (SAVAK), collapsed under the blows of popular uprisings, and the Shah fled—just as Bashar al-Assad would flee later.

The Shah’s regime killed or imprisoned all true democratic leaders, officially declared the Shah’s party as the only party, and left only Khomeini and the clerics’ network.

Thus, they seized power and stole the Iranian people’s revolution.

And now, after all this pain and suffering—executions, genocides, massacres—the remnants of the Shah’s regime are seizing the moment, deluding themselves that religious dictatorship can hand over power to a monarchic dictatorship!

For this reason, we see the Shah’s son chasing after the guards of this regime. Today, we are facing a bitter historical irony: from the Shah to the mullahs, and now from the mullahs back to the Shah!

But the truth is that the inevitability of history does not allow going backward. No one returns to yesterday. That is why tomorrow belongs to us—and we belong to tomorrow.

A Democratic Alternative to Transfer Sovereignty to the Iranian People

As I mentioned earlier, the Shah’s dictatorship killed or imprisoned all democratic forces. We have learned from that experience.

And although Khomeini killed many of us, he was unable to eliminate this movement—despite all the terrorist conspiracies, demonization campaigns, missile bombings, and the publication of nearly 1,800 books and films against the People’s Mojahedin (PMOI/MEK).

He could not eliminate the leader of the Iranian Resistance, Massoud Rajavi, who—after founding the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) in Tehran in July 1981—moved the council outside the regime’s grasp to prevent the revolution from ending up like it did under the Shah: beheaded, disorganized.

Indeed, organization and structure are precisely what terrify the religious dictatorship.

One official from the regime’s Ministry of Intelligence once stated: ‚The essence of the matter for us is the organization of the Mojahedin.‘

For over four decades, the regime—through every means and language—has repeatedly and clearly identified its main enemy. We say: a just cause needs organization. And that is the fundamental secret behind the endurance of the Mojahedin and the Iranian Resistance.

Yes, it is a movement that has fallen many times, but like the phoenix, it has always risen from its ashes.

A Gap in the Iranian Liberation Movement!

Let me conclude with a clear point:

The greatest shortcoming in Iran’s national liberation movements has been the absence of a democratic alternative, the absence of a cohesive leadership structure, and the lack of a liberation army.

Had these elements existed, the coup against Dr. Mossadegh would not have succeeded, nor would the mullahs have been able to steal the revolution against the Shah.

But this time, there are those who have been—and still are—present, and they will never allow the Iranian people’s will for freedom and democracy to be stolen again.

Transferring Sovereignty and Power to the Iranian People

The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI)—the longest-standing political coalition in Iran’s history—represents the Third Option.

In the absence of free ballot boxes during the period of resistance, the NCRI derives its legitimacy from the resistance of the Iranian people. For 44 years, Article One—its very first clause—has stated that its mission is to transfer sovereignty to the Iranian people, not to seize it as the mullahs and the Shah did.

This transfer is to occur through a national constituent and legislative assembly within no more than six months after the fall of the religious dictatorship.

After those six months, both the NCRI and the transitional government will lose their legitimacy. The constituent assembly—elected by the people—will draft the new republic’s constitution, present it in a public referendum, and appoint the new government.

It is important to note that the NCRI, from day one, has announced the drafting of a constitution for a new republic, not a return to the Shah’s dictatorship, nor to the mullahs’, nor to any cosmetic reform thereof.

Dictatorship—regardless of its form—is irredeemable. It must give way to democracy. That is why, from the beginning, the NCRI has drawn a clear line between itself and both the Shah and the mullahs, for both have been far removed from democracy, and the Iranian people have experienced their rule for over a century.

What Is the Program of the NCRI?

Freedom is considered the measure and guarantor of genuine social progress. No individual, religion, sect, or ideology shall be granted any special privilege.

It affirms that “no citizen shall be deprived of individual or social rights, nor granted privileges based on belief or disbelief in a religion or sect”, whether in candidacy, voting, employment, education, judiciary, or other rights.

The platform also includes a project for autonomy for Iranian Kurdistan, a project adopted 42 years ago, later expanded into a ten-point program covering all ethnicities.

The autonomy project includes the establishment of a legislative body for the autonomous region, whose members are elected through free, equal, direct, and secret elections.

Regarding freedoms and women’s rights, the NCRI adopted more than four decades ago a plan inspired by “the unforgettable resilience of the women fighters and strugglers in this homeland.”

Based on this, we say today: Woman, Resistance, Freedom!

The program rejects any commodification or objectification of women and seeks to achieve the historical liberation of both Iranian women and men, affirming gender equality in all political, social, legal, and family domains.

Finally, we must refer to the ‚National Solidarity Front to Overthrow Religious Tyranny‘, a project launched 23 years ago that forms the basis of the NCRI’s relations with other forces.

This front is based on three principles:

  1. It includes forces struggling for an independent, democratic republic.
  2. It rejects religious dictatorship and the system of velayat-e faqih in all its forms.
  3. It is based on the separation of religion and state.

Beyond these three principles—essential for any democratic republic—we impose no other conditions for cooperation or unity. It is no longer necessary to conceal differences and disagreements within the Iranian people’s front. Every society has its classes and segments, and each has its representatives.

But we believe that within the National Solidarity Front, despite all differences, we can—and must—unite in the name of Iran, for the supreme interests of the Iranian people, and under the flag of Iran.

Thus, the trumpets of victory and liberation echo across all corners of Iran—with the freedom fighters.“

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