Islamism versus Civil Society in Turkey – and Brussels Pays the Bill
When Erdoğan came to power in 2002, he promised a “more advanced democracy.” Two decades later, that promise lies in ruins. Turkey’s political system has been stripped down to a crude majoritarian model, while every mechanism of democratic participation has been dismantled. Beyond casting a ballot every few years, citizens have no real say. Demonstrations, strikes, independent organizing – all are effectively banned. For 23 years, the AKP government has not only crushed the opposition but also silenced genuine civil society.
NGO laws have been tightened again and again; thousands of associations and foundations were banned in 2016. Anyone advocating for civil rights risks raids, arrests, and trials. The best-known case is philanthropist Osman Kavala: despite a ruling from the European Court of Human Rights, he has spent nine years behind bars, condemned to life in prison. Public assembly is choked off by police violence, and independent organizations have been pushed out of sight. Volunteerism and civic engagement have plummeted.
Financial strangulation completes the picture. Companies no longer dare to support independent NGOs, while citizens struggling with the economic crisis can barely put bread on the table, let alone donate. Through repression and economic hardship, Erdoğan has succeeded in silencing civic life.
But there are exceptions: the regime’s own favorites thrive. Among them are TÜRGEV, with Erdoğan’s daughter on its board, and TÜGVA, chaired by his son. Both enjoy state backing and formal agreements with the Ministry of Education. Their mission is clear: to raise children and teenagers in an Islamist-conservative worldview rather than a secular one. Every year, hundreds of thousands of young people pass through their taxpayer-funded programs.
The scandal does not end there. The European Union itself helps bankroll these groups. Through Erasmus+, TÜRGEV and TÜGVA will receive nearly €450,000 in 2025 alone. Between 2021 and 2025, more than €1.5 million in EU funds went to organizations that openly disparage European values and denounce Western culture as corrupt.
The Diyanet Foundation, tied to the state’s powerful religious authority, also cashes in. Despite an annual income of €170 million, it pocketed another €50,000 in EU grants. Its literature declares, “A woman must obey her husband” and even suggests that nine-year-old girls may marry. Meanwhile, the Diyanet itself has begun urging the adoption of sharia-based rules in Turkey, preaching against women’s dress choices and even questioning equal inheritance rights.
While a small, loyal elite thrives under such patronage, the rest of the country sinks deeper into poverty. Two-thirds of Turks say they struggle to get by, one in five lives in extreme deprivation, and three out of four see no hope for economic improvement.
The numbers tell the story: over 2,000 companies went bankrupt in the first five months of this year alone. Key industries – textiles, construction, furniture – are collapsing, driving up unemployment. One-third of the workforce is now counted as both jobless and hopeless.
And those who dare to protest pay a steep price. When a farmer in a conservative province gave away his unsellable potatoes for free, he was prosecuted for “insulting the president” and “inciting the public.” The Ministry of Trade accused him of “distorting the market” and threatened a fine of up to €350,000.
A man unable to sell his potatoes faces a ruinous penalty, while the rest of us cannot even buy a bag of chips with the country’s highest banknote. A brand that costs €2.49 in Germany sells for the equivalent of €7 in Turkey – in a country where the minimum monthly wage is just €460. Farmers, potatoes, and willing workers exist in abundance. What is missing is a functioning economy.
